To President Trump – September 5, 2026 [Exercising jurisdiction over non-member states constitutes a serious violation of sovereignty] Secretary of State Rubio argued that the exercise of jurisdiction over citizens of the U.S. and Israel—neither of which is an ICC member—violates sovereignty; I fully agree with this view and assert that it is indeed a grave violation of sovereignty. (Yasuhiro Nagano) [U.S. State Department’s emphasis vs. the aberrant conduct of Ms. Akane, the Japanese government’s appointee] While the U.S. State Department emphasized that it does not intend to penalize the Japanese government, the conduct of Ms. Akane—whom the Japanese government appointed—has been aberrant and detrimental to the national interest. (Yasuhiro Nagano)

 September 5, 2026 [Today's Proposal] Paradigm Shift in International Politics and the G3MA Vision Bro


ught by U.S. Sanctions Against the ICC


1.[U.S. Sanctions Against ICC President Akane and the True Nature of the Jap-anese Government] While the Trump administration, viewing the ICC as a "threat," intensifies pressure by adding President Akane to the sanctions list, and the Japanese government expresses support for the ICC, I counter this hy-pocrisy based on my wrongful conviction experience in the 2010 immigration law violation case. (Yasuhiro Nagano (Japanese))


2.[The Exercise of Jurisdiction Over Non-Member States is a Grave Violation of National Sovereignty] Secretary of State Rubio argued that exercising jurisdic-tion over citizens of non-member states like the U.S. and Israel is a "violation of national sovereignty," and I completely agree that this is a grave violation. (Yasuhiro Nagano (Japanese))


3.[The U.S. State Department's Emphasis and the Runaway Actions of Akane Dispatched by Japan] While the U.S. State Department emphasized that these measures target the ICC and not the Japanese government, the actions of Pres-ident Akane, dispatched by Japan, are out of control and detrimental to nation-al interests. (Yasuhiro Nagano (Japanese))


4.[Distortions in Japan-U.S. Relations and Contradictions in U.S. Stances] The Biden administration rescued the Taylor family right before the midterm elec-tions in the Nissan case, yet the Trump administration remains weak on the il-legal punishment of Mr. Kelly. Why is the U.S. administration so ambiguous to-ward the injustices of the Japanese government? (Yasuhiro Nagano (Japa-nese))


5.[Criticism 3: Won't G3MA Weaken the United Nations?] While critics argue that a major power alliance standing above the UN would undermine its author-ity, G3MA is not designed to weaken the UN, but rather to complement its structural flaws. (Yasuhiro Nagano (Japanese))


6.[G3MA Complementing UN Flaws and Making Peace Ideals Effective] G3MA and GPA balance complement the UN's structural flaws—such as Security Coun-cil vetoes, limitations on PKO use of force, the ICC's lack of effectiveness, and its inability to judge major powers—thereby making the true ideals of peace ef-fective. (Yasuhiro Nagano (Japanese))


7.[The Inevitability of Institutional Complementarity Derived from Wrongful Conviction Experience] Through my wrongful conviction, I experienced firsthand how "when institutions fail to protect ideals, individuals become vic-tims." The UN suffers from the exact same structural flaws, which is why a powerful complementary institution is indispensable. (Yasuhiro Nagano (Japa-nese))


8.[Criticism 4: Doesn't G3MA Conflict with Democratic Values?] Although critics point out that the U.S., Russia, and China cannot cooperate due to different po-litical systems and values, G3MA is not an alliance of values, but a security alli-ance aimed at the exclusion of aggressiveness. (Yasuhiro Nagano (Japanese))


9.[A Model Aligning Security Interests Beyond Values] While NATO is an alli-ance of values, G3MA is a model where security interests align even when val-ues differ, representing the first attempt to create peace through institutional structures. (Yasuhiro Nagano (Japanese))


10.[The Superiority of Structure Proved by Wrongful Conviction Experience] Through my wrongful conviction, I experienced the stern reality that "institu-tional structures determine human rights rather than values." G3MA is an inno-vative approach to peacebuilding that applies this lesson directly to interstate relations. (Yasuhiro Nagano (Japanese))


11.[Criticism 5: Isn't Banning Offensive Capabilities Unrealistic?] In response to the criticism that states will never let go of offensive capabilities, the prohibi-tion of offensive capabilities can only become a reality through the combination of major power equilibrium and international law. (Yasuhiro Nagano (Japa-nese))


12.[Exclusion of Aggressiveness Brought by Major Power Equilibrium and In-ternational Law] By maintaining a balance between the U.S., Russia, and China, monitoring through the GPA, and internationalizing the exclusive defense state model, we will build a mechanism where states possessing offensive capabili-ties are in direct violation of international law. (Yasuhiro Nagano (Japanese))


13.[Consistent Ideals Protecting State Outreaches and Individual Human Rights] The exclusion of aggressiveness is a core, consistent philosophy that runs through my entire concept, born from experiencing the danger when state aggression was directed at me as an individual. (Yasuhiro Nagano (Japanese))


14.[Establishing a New Theoretical Model in International Politics] The G3MA concept is a groundbreaking theoretical model integrating the realism of major power equilibrium, the liberalism of the exclusive defense state model, the complementarity of international law, and the structural analysis of state runa-way behavior derived from my wrongful conviction experience. (Yasuhiro Na-gano (Japanese))


15.[Historical Necessity Toward Radical Reform of the World Order] Recogniz-ing the falsehood and collapse of the existing international order, we must ur-gently realize a new framework of peace through major power cooperation and institutional control. (Yasuhiro Nagano (Japanese))


Part 1 References

Trump Administration Deems ICC a "Threat," Adds President Akane to Sanc-tions List to Intensify Pressure... Japanese Government Expresses Support for ICC

https://www.yomiuri.co.jp/world/20260819-GYT1T00270/


I will write again tomorrow.

Yasuhiro Nagano (Japanese)



2. Saturday Edition (土曜版)

Part 2: The Immigration Control Act Violation Case [Saturday Edition]

For the case overview (Chapters 1 and 2), please refer to the Weekday Edition.


Throughout this unjust trial, I consistently maintained my innocence based on rigorous legal logic. However, the police and prosecution ignored my arguments, attempting to coerce a confession based on arbitrary generalizations.


Read the full text here: To World Media

https://toworldmedia.blogspot.com/


[Chapter 3] Appeals to the International Community and Legal Contradictions

Article 31 of the Constitution of Japan guarantees due process, stating that no person shall be deprived of life or liberty except according to procedure established by law (the principle of legality). Yet, the prosecution in this case forcefully misapplied administrative provisions to fit the Penal Code’s definition of aiding and abetting. This demonstrates a severe lack of legal competence and constitutes an abuse of official authority.


Following our case in 2010 and a nearly identical incident involving Philippine Embassy staff in 2013, international criticism intensified against Japan's arbitrary enforcement of the law.


Consequently, the Japanese government amended the Immigration Control Act in December 2016 (effective January 2017) to explicitly criminalize the act of "providing false employment contracts."


This statutory amendment is irrefutable proof that no such crime existed under the previous law when we were charged, meaning we were entirely innocent. Article 39 of the Constitution strictly prohibits retroactive punishment (ex post facto laws). Despite this clear legal reality, the government has offered no apology, restoration of honor, or compensation.


[Chapter 4] Supporting Legal Documents

The official indictment and the validity of my legal arguments are publicly accessible through the following documents (available in Japanese and English):


Official Indictment (JA/EN)

http://www.miraico.jp/ICC-crime/2Related%20Documents/%EF%BC%91Indictment.pdf

My Legal Argument (Japanese)

https://blog.goo.ne.jp/nipponnoasa/e/d28c05d97af7a48394921a2dc1ae8f98

My Legal Argument (English)

https://blog.goo.ne.jp/nipponnoasa/e/ac718e4f2aab09297bdab896a94bd194


[Chapter 5] Petitions to International Organizations

Following my release, I sought redress from foreign embassies in Japan, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), and the International Criminal Court (ICC).

An ambassador from an African nation advised me that while diplomatic ties prevented an official state protest, they could engage networks within the ICC. I believe this international pressure ultimately forced the 2016 statutory amendment.


The number of foreign nationals—including Chinese, Korean, Filipino, and American citizens—who fall victim to such arbitrary legal interpretations in Japan is estimated to be in the tens or hundreds of thousands. This is an alarming crisis that the international community cannot ignore.


Continued in the Sunday Edition.


Part 3: Special Economic Zones (Business Model)

Global Special Zone Project NO2

https://world-special-zone.seesaa.net/

Nagano Opinion NO1

https://naganoopinion.blog.jp/


*Please refer to the "Sunday Edition" for Parts 4 through 10.


Yasuhiro Nagano


Archive Blog (Past Articles): To World Media

https://toworldmedia.blogspot.com/


If you have any questions, please feel free to contact us!

enzai_mirai@yahoo.co.jp




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